The essence of the news
- The Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) may never have been able to secure lasting loyalty from Arab tribes due to rushed wartime recruitment.
- Rapid promotion of gender reforms in conservative areas like Raqqa generated social backlash.
- Donald Trump as the most damaging recent U.S. president for Kurdish interests
- “Federalism”, similar to Iraq’s Kurdistan Region, might have gained broader international understanding than the concept of “Democratic Autonomy.”
- Regional crises have strengthened Kurdish nationalism across ideological divides.
In a wide-ranging interview with Gönül Tol of the Middle East Institute as part of the Rethinking Democracy series, Professor David Romano offers a sober assessment of the crisis facing Rojava, officially governed by the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (AANES).
Rather than repeating familiar narratives of betrayal and resistance, Romano examines structural weaknesses, messaging failures, strained Arab alliances, and the unintended consequences of rapid ideological transformation. His argument is not simply that external powers failed the Kurds — but that internal strategic choices also complicated their position.
Below are key excerpts from his remarks.
Could the SDF ever keep the Arab tribes?
“I’m not sure there’s anything that the SDF and the Autonomous Cantons could have done to keep the Arab tribes on board.”
Romano argues that the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) was under intense U.S. pressure to rapidly incorporate Arab tribal elements into its ranks during the fight against ISIS.
This urgency created tactical alliances rather than durable political partnerships. Many tribal recruits were brought in quickly, without deep integration into the broader ideological project of the administration. In Romano’s view, this structural fragility may have made long-term cohesion nearly impossible, regardless of policy adjustments.
Raqqa and reform: When Gender politics collide with tribal society
“In the early days, they would send cadres to Raqqa to lecture people about proper gender relations and abolishing antiquated practices… you can imagine that did not go down well.”
Romano points to tensions in cities like Raqqa, where Kurdish political cadres promoted progressive reforms, particularly on gender equality.
While these reforms were central to the administration’s ideological identity, they encountered resistance in conservative and tribal social environments. Romano suggests that introducing rapid social transformation in a context marked by historic ethnic mistrust compounded resentment, even among communities that had cooperated militarily.
“Betrayal after betrayal”: The U.S. and the Kurdish question
Romano offers a stark assessment of Donald Trump’s record regarding the Kurds.
“After two terms now, Trump has been the worst U.S. president for the Kurds in recent history. By far.”
He contrasts this with Barack Obama, who authorized airlift support to Kobani and intervened to stop ISIS’s advance toward Erbil in 2014.
For many Kurds, Romano argues, the withdrawal decisions under Trump reinforced a longstanding perception of abandonment by Washington — deepening mistrust in U.S. guarantees.
Democratic Autonomy vs. Federalism
According to Romano, one of the central challenges was not only geopolitical but communicative.
Few outside observers fully understood what the Kurdish-led administration was demanding. The concept of “Democratic Autonomy” appeared abstract and unfamiliar to international audiences.
“If they had simply said, ‘We want federalism — like in the U.S., Canada, Switzerland, or Belgium’ — that would have been understandable.”
Romano argues that a clearer federalism framework — similar to the model in Iraq’s Kurdistan Region — might have attracted broader recognition and support.
Instead, the more ideologically distinct framing allowed opponents to mischaracterize the project, while confusing potential allies.
Rise of Kurdish nationalism
Interestingly, Romano notes that mounting pressure has had an unintended effect: strengthening Kurdish nationalism across ideological divides.
Even critics of PKK-aligned politics in Erbil were asking how they could help Rojava.
“This wasn’t about following Öcalan,” Romano explains. “It was about Kurdish nationalism — the sense of one Kurdistan.”
While short-term setbacks have harmed practical self-governance efforts, he suggests they have simultaneously reinforced a broader national consciousness among Kurds region-wide.
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